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Point - Counterpoint: AGIA

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This week I had a lively exchange with fellow blogger Robert Dillon about the must haves in AGIA and the ultimate role they will play in getting Alaskans a natural gas pipeline.

Robert has just sent me responses to my various assertions and I have posted them here so my readers could view them. I will post counter points this weekend.

Thanks to Robert for furthering the discussion because I enjoy a good healthy debate. Especially on an issue so important to Alaska's economic future.

 

From Robert Dillion:

FERC has said since day one that "the law says this is an open access pipeline", which obviously means this is not going to be a "locked up, closed in pipeline"

When Andrew says that FERC guarantees the gas line will be an open access pipeline, he's only referring to the initial open season. Beyond the first offering of capacity in the pipeline, FERC does not have the authority to order expansion of gas pipelines.

According to FERC rules, once a pipeline is fully subscribed at the initial open season, the operators are under no obligation to expand its capacity.

Once it's sold out, new explorers are out of luck until a shipping contract expirers or there's an expansion -- we're talking a wait of 25 years or more before a shipping contract expires.

The problem?

A produce-owned pipeline could be build, and most likely would be build, with a capacity equal to the proven reserves the companies already have under lease. Such a scenario would restrict development of the North Slope basin -- exactly as oil development has been restricted under the producer-owned trans-Alaska oil pipeline.

But wait, isn't TransCanada proposing a pipeline with similar initial capacity? Yes, but TransCanada has agreed, under the terms of AGIA, to offer to expand the line every two years, and to spread the cost of expansion among all shippers, so-called rolled-in rates. (More on rolled-in rates later.)

Also, an independent pipeline company has every incentive to expand the line because the more gas it carries, the more money the operator makes.

By contrast, producers who own and operate their own pipeline are more interested in protecting their upstream interest -- the gas itself -- and have little regard for what it costs to send gas down the pipeline since they are paying themselves.

Instead of expanding the pipeline so that competitors could move their gas to market, producer-owners would rather restrict the pipeline's capacity until they were ready to develop the new resources themselves.

The producers can obstruct other explorers from accessing the pipeline by refusing to expand or structuring the capital on the pipeline in such a way that it results in a higher tariff. (More on the debt-to-equity question later).

The 2004 Alaska (Natural) Gas Pipeline Act gives unprecedented power to FERC to regulate both expansion and access for independent explorers and producers.

ANGPA Section 105 does give FERC additional power to regulate the gas line but it has never been tested in court.

The Natural Gas Act actually prohibits FERC from requiring an expansion of a pipeline. And ANGPA requires a prospective shipper to initiate proceedings (legal term for making explorers go through the lengthy process of asking FERC to take action) to force a mandatory expansion order from FERC.

ANGPA also prohibits rolled-in rates for expansions, which would increase the cost of accessing the pipeline for new shippers, potentially to the point that they would decide it wasn't worth exploring the North Slope altogether. (Remember what I said in a previous post about Conoco trouble accessing TAPS before it bought Phillips.)

AGIA does not mandate expansion either. However, under AGIA the pipeline operator agrees to solicit new shippers every two years and further agrees to rolled-in rates for expansions.

AGIA both avoids the potential legal fight before FERC over mandated expansion and guarantees new explorers can access the pipeline at the lowest possible rate, therefore encouraging exploration of the North Slope basin.

FERC has no anti-trust concerns if the pipeline is producer owned is because they have the ability to make sure anyone who wants to ship gas, can.

Again, Andrew is referring only to the initial open season and not anytime beyond.

Andrew is also incorrect. FERC does have antitrust concerns, and what's more so do the U.S. Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission.

FERC regulates shipping rates and services, it's not the lead agency on antitrust issues. Justice is more likely the agency that will tackle the antitrust issue, and we have previous actions by Justice that provide a good idea of what might happen this time.

In the 1970s, Justice concluded that producer ownership of the Alaska pipeline creates incentives to deny or impede future expansions. In 2005, the then-chairman of FERC, Pat Wood, said those antitrust concerns were still valid.

The Justice Department is traditionally not in favor of the kind of regulatory fixes FERC would come up with to handle antitrust concerns. Instead, Justice could easily order the producers to divest some ownership in the gas line to remove the antitrust concern completely.

Think of it this way, the producers are like a bunch of kids alone in a room with a giant jar of candy. FERC's approach would be to watch the kids to make sure they don't steal any of the candy. Justice would more likely just order the candy jar removed from the room completely to avoid any possibility of bad behavior.

Such a Justice-ordered divestiture of assets would surely prompt a legal challenge by the producers, further delaying construction.

Other non-owner companies might also be inclined to challenge a producer-owned pipeline in court, which would also delay the project.

There is also the potential that the government would impose conditions on a producer-owned project that the companies would simply refuse to accept, delaying or even canceling the project.

AGIA, on the other hand, requires the operator to accept whatever stipulations FERC places on a federal certification.

Ordinarily under FERC rules if there is a pipeline expansion, and the new capacity is more expensive on a per unit basis than the base capacity, the shippers on the additional capacity pay the difference. This makes perfect sense. Otherwise, the base shippers are subsidizing the expansion shippers.

However, since the base shippers will be subsidizing the expansion shippers, this is one reason why the current North Slope producers will never commit gas to an AGIA project, why it is virtually certain AGIA will have a failed open season, why TransCanada will subsequently fail to get a FERC certificate, and why AGIA will fail to result in the construction of the pipeline.

First, rolled-in rates will encourage explorers to postpone exploration, and to not commit gas at the first open season. Because their expansion capacity will be subsidized, they can afford to sit back and wait and see whether the pipeline has cost overruns, and how gas markets look down the road.

Wrong, companies like Anadarko are in the field now feverishly looking for gas. Such companies would be happy to bid at the initial open season, if they had all their wells drilled and the gas ready to produce. They don't. That is why it is important that they can get into the pipeline at a fair and reasonable rate in the future.

Under AGIA, new explorers would get that chance in 2012. And by then, I'm pretty sure Anadarko could be ready to ship gas.

In the 1990s, FERC dropped its requirement that operators use rolled-in rates because of the sheer number of pipelines in the Lower 48 meant that shippers could more easily get their gas to market.

Alaska isn't so lucky. The state would be a one-pipe town where new explorers could have their access to market blocked through exorbitant shipping costs.

Incremental rates create a two-tier tariff system, with the expansion shippers paying the full cost of the expansion on top of the initial shipping rates. Rolled-in rates spread the cost of the expansion across all shippers, meaning a small increase to everyone.

There is 35 trillion cubic feet of proven reserves of natural gas on the North Slope. But geologists believe the real prize is the some 300 trillion cubic feet of gas yet to be discovered.

If access to the pipeline is restricted by higher incremental rates, that gas may not be discovered and produced for decades. That's bad for Alaska and bad for the country.

Another point that's important is that the first round of pipeline expansion -- most likely from 4.5 Bcf to 6 Bcf -- is expected to reduce shipping rates because the expansion could be done relatively inexpensively by adding compression, and the increased volume would reduce the fee per Mcf.

Furthermore, rolled-in rates is the law in Canada, so when the pipeline crosses the border rolled-in rates would be enforced. It would just be in the U.S. that incremental rates would be used.

It is also important to realize that FERC is just trying to get a project moving. It is less concerned with how much gas will be discovered in the future as it is with getting the first 4.5 Bcf to Lower 48 consumers. This is shortsighted since most of the gas on federal acreage is likely to reach market only after expansion, but it is a fair assessment of FERC's priorities.

To sum up, with AGIA, the state is only trying to protect its interest -- and the interest of all Alaskans -- in much the same way the producers do when they deal with an independent pipeline operator in the Lower 48.

The producers don't expect FERC to look after their interests, they negotiate directly with the pipeline operator -- and independent pipelines are the norm in the Lower 48 -- for the best possible rates. The state is doing the same with AGIA.

I'm baffled that any Alaskan would object to such an effort.

     


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Dillon should thank you...

He probably gets more hits to his blog when you link it then he would get otherwise.


As someone who has actually

As someone who has actually worked professionaly with the oil and gas pipeline regulatory agencies, I would just like to say, that with few exceptions, Mr. Dillon is far better informed on these issues than is Mr. Halcro. What I find altogether disappoiting is they way Mr. Halcro seems to work from a conclusion backwards - only including enough fact to justify his message. To me, this conveys that his concern is not for the interests of our state, but for his own political positioning as an anti-Palin poster child. Nevertheless, I must offer some kudos for having posted Mr. Dillon's blog here, as it fairly-well dismembers many of his assertions. As for AGIA. The simple fact - as Mr. Halcro does point out - is that the FERC will make the ultimate determination on any pipeline expasion or rate filing. What he does not acknowledge (perhaps deliberately) are the significant benefits that an AGIA-licensed project offer the state in how these determinations are made. Any ruling by the FERC will be based upon the input of various state, federal and private stakeholders. By contractually obligating a licensee to propose and support terms before the FERC which are alligned with the state's interests, the odds of acquiring a favorable ruling are substantially increased. This must be contrasted with what we assume will be a rather long and drawn out battle between the state and a producer-owned pipeline. Contrary to Mr. Halcro's assertion, antitrust concerns do still exist, despite ANGPA and the subsequent 2005A regulations. The benefits of the allignment provided under an AGIA license is not something manifist in clear and abosolute results (i.e. no guarantees). Nevertheless, what is of tremendous value is the clear message it that this sends to prospective explorers: If you explore for and discover new gas resources, you will be able to get those in to the Alaska natural gas pipeline on a reasonable timeline and for a reasonable price. That is it. And when gaging the risk in any business - as Mr. Halcro should know - that message means a lot. But what value is reason in this forum? Mr. Halcro has already declared that he will "counter" Mr. Dillion this weekend, as if all that he has said is false. But let me just say, since neither of these two have any professional experience in the industry, that Mr. Halco must either know less, or care less about the interests of Alaskans. Mr. Dillon should be commended for attempting a degree of accuracy on this subject that has not been delivered by the other media (Fairbanks daily news miner excluded) and certainly not on this blog.

Andrew's Response:

"know less or care less about the interests of Alaskans."

That's laughable.

Last time I checked, I live here, I work here, I employ Alaskans from one end of the state to the other here, I'm one of the very few outside of the oil industry that pay state taxes here.

The reality is I know more and care more about the interests of Alaskans. I want a pipeline, not some unrealistic process called AGIA that even TransCanada's Tony Palmer has stated is the reason why his company needs the $500 million dollars. 

My view does reflect Alaskans views as that is why every scientific opinion poll taken in the last two months show Alaskans clearly believe that the producers Denali project has a better chance of success than AGIA?

And I would point out that the Fairbanks Daily News Miner has been a constant editorial voice saying that AGIA would not get Alaskans a pipeline.

I'll let the readers of my blog read my counter points to Dillons and decide for themselves. This seems a more caring approach than be told that if they don't like AGIA, they don't care about their fellow Alaskans.

After all, some of us can think on our own.


Mr. Halcro,

Mr. Halcro, I apologize if I seem to have mis-characterized your commitment to the state's interests. You have dedicated a great deal of energy to this effort, and any such expenditure must be motivated by something. Please allow me to clarify the statement. I believe you are a reasonably intelligent man, and I admire the time you have taken to try and understand the various issues affecting this project. That is why I find it puzzling that you have made such an effort to dismiss the AGIA provisions I discussed in my earlier post as having no value to the state. The value is quite clear. And as someone who is clearly capable of understanding, I must assume that you do understand it and have chosen to propagate this shallow rhetoric for merely political reasons. I appreciate your effort to think on your own, and I can sympathize with those in the public that do not like the Governor's approach. AGIA creates a somewhat complex dynamic, which most do not have the time to try and evaluate in full. As with any process, there are no guarantees that a pipeline will be built under AGIA. But I find it difficult to believe that having two competing projects is not progress, and I am not so naive as to believe that the timing of the Denali project is mere coincidence. My question to you is this: If you care so much about getting a gas pipeline built for Alaskans, what have you done - or what would you suggest doing - to help get us there, aside from trying to derail the efforts of our current governor?

Andrew's response:

AGIA is not a competing project becuase it has nothing to compete on. TransCanada has no gas and has no ability to finance the project without the agreement and support of the producers.

The reason the Denali project exists is because the current price of natural gas over the last six months has almost doubled and looks as if it is here to stay.

The reason why I have been outspoken agianst AGIA is because of the contractual terms of the deal. We are on the verge of granting exclusive rights to a company that cannot do what we are contracting it to do. In addition, those exclusive terms prohibit the state from changing direction, when it becomes clear that Denali has the highest chance of success.

If this really was a competitive process, we wouldn't be paying 85% of the cost to prop TransCanada up and send them into try and compete.

The road is very clear and remains the same since my first blog on this subject in April of 2007. The state must sit down with the legal leaseholders and negotiate terms to facilitate a gas pipeline.

It seems to be obvious that until you talk to the people who will make the final investment decision on paying for this pipeline, you're not talking to anyone that really matters.


Doing the same thing expecting different results..

I see. So you would have us return to the strategy attempted under the Murkowski administration, and yet we should expect different results. And why is that? Do you plan to hire superior negotiators? From what I can tell, the current approach does not prohibit the state from negotiating terms for the pipeline (if by that you mean various tax incentives). In fact, the current process would seem to put the state in a far better position to negotiate. By providing the state with a great deal of information about the project, the state will be able to make responsible decisions as to what, if any, additional incentives are needed. As an Alaskan, I would much rather see any such concessions justified based on real information, rather than on what I was told by those on the other side of the table. As I am sure you realize, it is highly unusual for the producing companies to own and operate major gas transportation pipelines. And yet, they are very concerned about owning this one. Anyone familiar with the history of TAPS can guess why. The underlying premise of your argument seems to demonstrate a somewhat inaccurate understanding for how pipeline projects are actually developed. No matter who the sponsor - be it TransCanada or the Producers - the process is no different. Parent companies will create a project subsidiary; the project subsidiary must gather field data and assemble terms, which are then offered to prospective shippers; shippers make ship-or-pay commitments; the project is ostensibly sanctioned based on those commitments. Because any project must stand on it's own and be reasonably economics, it does not make difference who does that work, so long as they are capable of doing it. Your claim that TransCanada is not capable of doing what they committed to is, based on what I have heard, quite inaccurate. Both Administration and Legislative consultants have said the exact opposite. As for the "Denali Project": As a business man, you should know as well as anyone that no prudent energy company makes a 20-30 year investments based on a six-month spike in prices, especially when project costs will rise right along with them. If that were the case, I would be selling my Exxon stock in a heartbeat.

Andrew's response:

Nobody is advocating returning to the deal Murkowski struck, but the fact remains that in order to get the producers to pay (unless you have someone else in mind) for the project, you will have to negotiate terms, including fiscal certainty.

I believe TransCanada is a fine company and capable of building the pipeline. However, given the fact that they are not in fact free to negotiate terms with the producers, and are tied to the prescriptive must haves of AGIA, we have set them up to fail.

How else do you explain Palmer's comments about the need for the $500 million?

Your fear about the producers owning and operating the pipeline and the comparison to TAPS is misplaced. Later today I will post my response to Robert Dillon's blog, and quote FERC officials who outlined exactly why their is no need to fear monger over a producer own pipeline and how the natural gas pipeline will be very different from TAPS.

And it does make a difference who does the work and under what circumstances. Under TransCanada's AGIA application they are basically playing the role of a middle man who will be taking their cut at the expense of shippers including the state as a royalty shipper. 

And while the sudden spike in natural gas prices have proven a motivating factor, there is no denial that these companies have been interested in building this project for awhile. Like it or not, they negotiated a deal with the state's former CEO. It didn't work out for obvious reasons. Then a new governor decided to go a new direction that was based on excluding the producers.

During the AGIA hearings, every producer including Exxon, testified that they wanted to move the project forward if it was commercially viable. They offered suggestions to the legislature to make changes to AGIA so they could bid. Their suggestions were denied because this administration wanted an independent pipeline company.

Consider the treatment that ConocoPhillips received after they proposed their non-AGIA plan in December.

My understanding of this process is not inaccurate as you claim. It's actually quite accurate.

In fact I would argue that AGIA's approach is not only unrealisitic but fails to recognize exactly what FERC warned when they testified to weeks ago. We can pass all of the laws and pre-conditions we want to dictate how the pipeline will work, but until you have companies ready to sink that first dollar into the ground...it all means nothing. 

This administration is foolish for trying to separate the downstream from the upstream when one pays for the other, and you need the same people to carry the risk of both. 


gas price?

you think this thing is going to be advanced based upon spot gas prices? Supposedly it was all good to go two years ago, when Murkowski cut his deal. So now it's super-duper economic? Good, no concessions necessary. your shallow understanding of the economics of this complex project is eclipsed by your stubborn unwillingness to admit what is obvious to everyone with a shard of business sense. AGIA moved Denali. Period. To suggest otherwise is incredible.

Andrew's response:

We all admit we are a long way from getting a pipeline and anything can happen in the next few years. As I've stated before, Denali is not a guarantee for a pipeline until the final investment decision is made.

Having said that, AGIA is responsibile for nothing. How can you even say that it is with a straight face when the fact is you have nothing with AGIA? Or when the state is picking up 85% of the costs because AGIA calls for things that aren't in a normal commercial process.

Now if TransCanada could do this on their own, I'd think different.

But as we know; no customers, no credit, no pipeline.

Oh yeah, that's real competition from TransCanada.


Change the subject

When you argue the points of AGIA's failure, they change the subject and say AGIA is driving Denali.


Mr. Dillion is wrong and knows it

1. Ferc can force expansion 2. First expansion will reduce toll for all shippers, thus it is illogical to assume that anchor shippers would resist expansion 3. no one ever had problem accessing TAPS - Conoco could not make a profit at the then current oil price after netting out the tariff and taxes - taxes are the only issue today given the relative spread btw price of oil and TAPS tariffs - TAPS has always been available to any shipper Mr. Dillon should stick to the Harmonic and sing his Palin blues elsewhere – or get educated on the issues – Hammer away Andrew!!


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